2014 Explore Asia: Objects From Asia Exhibitions
Gift presentation is an important part of gift giving in Japan, in fact, if a gift
is not wrapped properly, it is considered a grave social faux pas. A method of proper
presentation is to wrap the gift in a beautiful Japanese wrapping cloth called furoshiki. Furoshiki have been used by the Japanese since the Heian Period (794 - 1184 A.D) and is considered
to be an item that represents Japanese culture. Furoshiki are essentially square pieces of cloth which come in an unbelievable variety of colors
and patterns. They are typically decorated with beautiful motives of natural objects
or abstract patterns bringing an element of nature into life. For formal occasions,
it is traditional to use furoshiki that is made of silk. Today, furoshiki can be found made in cotton, rayon, polyester, nylon, and some other recycled materials.
Thanks to the flexibility of the fabrics uses, it can be used to wrap anything. It
is also multifunctional, as it can be used as a scarf, shawl, hood, obi (sash for Japanese traditional dress), blanket, napkin, cover, curtain, bag, and
in many other ways. In addition, the quality and usage of furoshiki shows the sincerity and consideration of the gift-giver. Yet still, this fabric of
antiquity has begun disappearing into the abyss of the past. One could say furoshiki is a symbolic object for the Japanese; retaining a strong element of tradition while
blending seamlessly with modernity.
Eva Nagase, Lecturer of Asian and Asian American Studies
Theatre is an important social institution in Asia, and the living traditions of shadow
puppetry hold particular historical and cultural significance. Although there are
numerous indoor theatres in Asia, outdoor performances are more common during festivals,
temple fairs, and religious celebrations. Village performances are often informal
and may last hours past nightfall. Musicians and singers often appear alongside puppeteers,
performing traditional music or interpreting more contemporary tunes on modern instruments.
Puppeteers perform and narrate a tremendous range and variety of stories, including
epics, ancient and contemporary folk tales, and political satiric fables that may
even carry propaganda. Through the voices of their puppets, performers are able to
poke fun at characters of high social standing, including kings and queens, religious
leaders, and government officials.
Asian puppets vary in size, type, modes of construction, and manipulation and are
classified into four basic types: shadow puppets; string puppets or marionettes; stick
or rod puppets; and hand or glove puppets.
Caroline Borderies, Puppetry Artist
Two Tales from Southeast Asia by Caroline Borderies
Charles B. Wang Center Theatre
Made By Hand: Shadow Puppet Making Workshop
SOCONY (with Korean word “Victory”)
The Standard Oil Company of New York, or SOCONY
Collection of Modern Design Museum, Seoul, South Korea
Collection of Modern Design Museum, Seoul, Korea
Fossil-based fuels were first used in Korea in the 1880s, near the end of the Chosŏn
dynasty (1392–1910). As part of their efforts to modernize and Westernize their county,
members of the Enlightenment Party (Korean: 개화당, or Gaehwadang) visited Japan and returned with Western goods including oil lamps and matches. These
oil lamps were a vast improvement over those used for lighting in most Korean homes
before this time: the older lamps relied on a natural plant-based fuel that was inefficient
and difficult to obtain. Instead, these newer Western lamps used oil imported from
John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil (US), who operated in Korea under the trademark Victory (Korean: 승 리 , or Seungri). The company charged low prices to Korean farmers, encouraging them to switch from
vegetable oil to kerosene.
After Standard Oil was ruled an illegal monopoly in 1911 and ordered to break into
smaller companies, some of its successors, including the Standard Oil Company of New York (or SOCONY), continued to export oil to South Korea. SOCONY retained the “Victory” trademark
and also introduced the Pegasus symbol, which suggested imagination, power, and speed.
The flying horse was first colored red by an artist at the Mobil Sekiyu division in Japan and was updated again in the 1930s by commercial illustrator Robert “Rex” Elmer. Since that time, there have been small progressive changes to the rendering of the
red Pegasus, but the symbol itself has remained strong, and is still used today by
SOCONY’s successor, ExxonMobil.
By the 1920s, competitors such as Texaco (USA) and Shell (UK) had also entered the Korean market. Shell had long been part of the East Asian
oil market: the company name appeared first in 1891 as the trademark for the kerosene
being shipped to the “Far East” by London’s Marcus Samuel and Company. By 1904, the
distinctive red and yellow scallop shell had been introduced as a manifestation of
both the corporation and the brand name.
The four oil signs that were on display here date back to the 1930s in Korea, during
the Japanese Occupation (1910-45). Even before World War II reached the Pacific Theater
(1941-45), these and other international companies were engaged in intense competition
for dominance of the Korean oil market.
Arm-Jong Park, Director of Modern Design Museum, Seoul, South Korea
Installation View, Photo by Zifei Wu
Coffee is to the West as tea is to the East. When one thinks of Asian culture and
its associated beverage, tea immediately comes to mind. Not many people would link
an Asian nation with coffee; yet, the second largest producer of coffee in the world
is Vietnam, with Indonesia being third. Introduced to Vietnam in 1857 during the French
colonization, coffee slowly grew to become Vietnam’s most valued exported agricultural
product, second only to rice. Exporting more than 1 million tons of coffee beans per
year, Vietnam is the number one producer of coffee in Asia. Therefore, it would come
as no surprise that there is also a thriving Vietnamese coffee culture. Walking through
the streets of Vietnam, you will see people drinking cups of coffee rather than cups
of tea. In response, coffee houses and road side stalls sprouted up to meet the increasing
demands of this thriving culture.
However, unlike in Western culture where coffee is mostly taken on-the-go, in Vietnam,
having coffee is a slow-paced affair, much like drinking tea. People sit down to enjoy
their cup of coffee rather than ordering it to go in a styrofoam cup. This leisure
of drinking coffee is also enhanced by the way Vietnamese coffee is prepared. Vietnamese
coffee is typically brewed through a small drip filter called a phin, a device that sits on top of a coffee cup with small holes on the bottom to allow
for the coffee to drip down. This method to brewing allows for the coffee to steep
in the grounds for the right amount of time despite the filter’s small volume. Meanwhile,
the cup under the filter already contains sweetened condensed milk, which is the prefered
way to drink coffee in Vietnam. The leisure pace in which to drink coffee in no way
reflects the coffee production in Vietnam. Numbers continue to grow as Vietnam’s coffee
culture continues to develop new ways to cultivate their increasing supply which in
turn feeds the growing demand, not just in Vietnam, but all over the world.
Li Shan Liang, Graphic Designer
The Chinese adore and eat moon cake delicacies. They consume them as a slice or a
small wedge of one moon cake, and they enjoy them shared with family and friends during
the important holiday they know as the Mid-Autumn Festival; Zhongquijie in Chinese. This event is one of their most important celebrations, second only to
their New Year holiday that is also known as Spring Festival. Both of these festivals
are Lunar calendar holidays.
During this festival they eat these thick dense pastries that can be filled with lotus
seed, red bean paste, red date paste, or five different nuts and seeds. Each moon
cake is wrapped in a thin crust, its center often are filled with the yolk of a salted
duck egg. The top of this delicacy can be imprinted with Chinese characters that can
say ‘longevity’ or the name of the filling. Some of these moon cakes might have a
picture of Lady Chang-e, the Moon Goddess of Immortality; or it might be a rabbit,
the animal that is the symbol of the moon. Made and stuffed in these wooden molds,
they are shaped and banged out of them, then set on a baking sheet. Their tops are
brushed them with oil, then baked. Different regions of China do make different fillings.
Their skins or outsides are made with lard. These days they even have vegetarian ones.
This Mid-Autumn holiday festival is celebrated on its 15th day of the 8th lunar month.
It was named during the Song Dynasty, circa 420 CE. Some say these cakes were used
during the Yuan Dynasty; at that time they were used with messages smuggled in them.
Their purpose was to overthrow the country’s Mongolian rulers.
Not just limited to China, some other Asian countries use these pastries. The Vietnamese
use them often, but the Chinese most often. The Chinese buy them in beautiful boxes
of four, the Vietnamese in boxes of two. People rarely make their own moon cakes.
They purchase them more often because it is complicated to make ones own, also very
time consuming. Rare, also, is the person who carves their own moon cake mold. Special
visitors can be honored with beautiful carved ones as gifts. Many of the ones people
own have been held for most of their entire adult lifetime.
The wood they are made with is heavy and dense, as are the pastries shaped in them.
Most are made with hawthorn or litchi wood, some of olive wood. We know only two cookbooks
that solely feature stories about and recipes for this pastry. One is by Alan Ooi,
the other by Ms. Choong Su Yin; and both are paperbacks. Each has about one hundred
pages, they are in Chinese and English, and they include recipes for cookies and moon
cakes made in them. They also share how to make their exterior skins and their fillings.
The first bakery in the USA to make this Autumn holiday food was in San Francisco
and called Eastern Bakery. Nowadays, many Chinese and other Asian bakeries sell them
year-round. One finds the greatest variety of moon cakes in the Fall. Do buy and try
them sliced in small pieces as the Chinese do.
Jacqueline M. Newman, Editor of Flavor and Fortune
North Korean Comic Book: Mighty Wing!
North Korean comic books of the Mighty Wing era were produced quite explicitly to teach children the “Great Leader” Kim Il Sung’s
ideology of Juche, or “self-reliance.” North Korean writers and artists, since they
must work under state supervision, are all required to apply the rules of Juche in
their work by state mandate.
Mighty Wing was published in 1994, the year of Kim Il Sung’s death. At that time, the drought
conditions in North Korea were becoming common knowledge in the outside world and
the DPRK was receiving hundreds of thousands of tons of food and tens of millions
of dollars in aid. The famine in North Korea was devastating. The consistent pattern
flooding and drought caused by climate change ultimately resulted in the deaths of
more than a quarter of a million people as reported by the DPRK (some estimates say
the true figure is up to three million). By the late 1990s, only half the population
had safe drinking water.
The allegorical story in Mighty Wing is about heroic bees surviving through cooperation and resource preservation, despite
the constant threat of outsiders. It shows that the DPRK was well aware of the necessity
for irrigation and for replenishing a depleting food supply—so much so that it became
a theme in a popular children’s comic book. Since the publication date is 1994, it
is likely that the book was produced in 1993, reflecting the concerns of the regime
just prior to Kim Il Sung’s death in July of 1994. That time period is also especially
significant, because it means that Mighty Wing was probably one of the comic books most influential on the young Kim Jong-un, Kim
Il-sung’s grandson, the current leader of the DPRK. Perhaps examining it can give
us insight into some of the ideological content of his mind.
Heinz Insu Fenkl, Associate Professor of English, State University of New York, New
Published in 1994 by Gold Star Children’s Press
Cho Pyŏng-Kwon (Story) / Im Wal-Yong (Art)
Head coverings, for both men and women, are an important part of tradition and traditional
dress for many international cultures. Among these head coverings, however, none has
been the focus of more debate in recent years than the veils and other head coverings
worn by Islamic women. Carrying with them the weight and value of social, cultural,
political, religious, and even nationalistic codes and taboos, the veil often elicits
responses of curiosity, confusion, or fear from Western, non-Muslim observers. Even
in some predominantly Muslim countries, the veil has been at the center of complex
mainstream debates. As early as the 1920s in Turkey and Egypt, for example, modernization
and advancement were associated with European values and practices, and women were
therefore encouraged to unveil as a sign of progress and "civilization." In that context,
"to veil" was perceived as implying inferiority or "otherness."
Historically, secular societies have interpreted the veil as representing confinement,
repression or exclusion. Contrary to these interpretations, however, many women now
wear the veil as a matter of choice rather than of obligation. For these women, to
wear the veil is to resist perceived Western encroachment, to express their faith,
and to participate in society and the workplace. In the United States, this very visible
symbol affirms the wearers' connections to specific communities, geography, heritages
and people, sometimes challenging our notions and perceptions of what it is to be
a diverse, inclusive society.
Lauren Kaushansky, Department of History, Professional Education Program
Stony Brook Student Aneela Ashraf with the March 2014 Objects from Asia Exhibit